"They're like robots": Roman Bochala discusses North Korean soldiers and explains why frozen fish is their ultimate dream.

North Korea remains one of the most mysterious and closed-off countries in the world. However, it has been making headlines more frequently lately — first as a supplier of weapons to Russia, and now as a source of manpower for the Russian army.

As reported, in the Kursk region of the Russian Federation, Ukrainian military personnel have already captured soldiers from North Korea who were fighting on the side of the Russians.

"Telegraph" spoke with Ukrainian journalist and war correspondent Roman Bochkala, who had the opportunity to visit both South and North Korea in the past.

What is life like behind the iron curtain of the DPRK? What motivates North Korean soldiers to fight in the war against Ukraine? Why should we not underestimate these special forces, and could South Korea become an important military partner for our state? Read more in the interview.

"Progress for the Elite, Archaicism for the People"

— You have observed North Korean society and have even been there. How would you assess the difference between the official rhetoric of the DPRK and the real situation in the country? I’m particularly interested in technological development, given the recent hypersonic missile tests.

— I would divide this question into two parts: civilian and military technological development, as they are quite different.

In everyday terms, North Korea is at the level of the early 90s. The most modern phones you can find there are old, primitive mobile phones. Smartphones are virtually banned, as their use allows ordinary citizens access to information and multimedia, which the authorities deem unacceptable.

This is strictly blocked. I encountered this reality myself when I needed to export materials shot on an iPhone. I hid them in a remote folder, and when the border guards checked me, it became clear that they do not understand how smartphones work. They are very uninformed about such technologies.

As for internet access, the civilian population simply does not have it. The internet operates similarly to old library systems. If a person wants to obtain any information, they do not fill out a form at a special institution, submit a request, and then wait to be informed when and where they can get an answer. It is clear that any request is thoroughly filtered. For example, if someone asks how to get to South Korea, they could be arrested immediately.

— What about the military situation?

— Military technology is a completely different story. The upper echelons of power have access to modern smartphones, the internet, and all the benefits of the modern world. There is also some progress in the military sphere.

However, at the same time, I saw military trucks running on wood or coal. In the beds of these vehicles, there are special stoves, similar to those used in old steam locomotives. This looks very archaic — such technologies were used back in the Soviet Union in the 30s and 40s.

At the same time, North Korea receives modern technologies from China and Russia. I am convinced that under agreements with Russia, Pyongyang is exchanging human resources, particularly soldiers as cannon fodder, for technology and materials. I believe this issue is not only about money but also about access to modern developments that help them maintain military power.

In Russia, there is a dualism: "Putin and God," in North Korea, it is replaced by the leader

— Do you see parallels between the propaganda narratives of the DPRK and the Russian Federation?

— In my opinion, these are different forms of dictatorship that are at different stages of development. For instance, the North Korean dictatorship has existed for three generations of leaders.

The Russian dictatorship is still at the first stage — within the first generation. This is, so to speak, different evolutionary levels.

In Russia, Putin's authorities can take the form of inheritance or transfer. In fact, it's not just Putin's power; I would call it "FSB power." So if power is handed over to a civilian successor of Putin, "crowned" by the special services, then in 30 years Russia could start resembling North Korea. However, currently, these dictatorships are at different stages of development.

For example, in Russia, YouTube has only just begun to be blocked, while in North Korea, it has never worked. This is a small but telling difference.

And let’s not forget that religion is banned in North Korea. Its function has been taken over by the party, and the leader has become an object of worship. This satisfies the population's need for faith but directs it exclusively towards state ideology.

In Russia, the situation is different: there is a dualism that has been manifesting since the tsarist times in the formula "the tsar and God." Today, it is "Putin and God." In Russia, God still remains, while in North Korea, he has been completely replaced by the leader and the party.

Moreover, access to information is totally closed in North Korea. They do not create illusions of availability: the party blocks everything. At least, they are honest about that.

Russia, on the other hand, tries to play at pseudo-democracy. It mimics openness by offering false alternatives: RuTube instead of YouTube, VKontakte instead of Facebook. In other words, information is actively distorted, creating the impression that access exists for the population.

"The Time for Unification with North Korea Has Passed"

— Last time we discussed Syria, where Assad's regime effectively fell in 11 days. Of course, many events preceded this, and as you noted, the situation was controlled by pro-Russian and pro-Iranian forces. North Korea has a different situation. But is it possible that the dictatorship there could fall in a similar scenario?

— You know, I wouldn’t say that political changes in Syria can be called a step towards democracy. Syria remains an authoritarian state, and its current power has more in common with the previous regime than it seems at first glance.

For instance, during her visit to Syria, the German foreign minister encountered blatant sexism. Her face was removed from official photographs, solely because she is a woman. Moreover, the president of Syria didn’t even shake her hand; he merely placed his hand on his heart, explaining it as tradition.

This is not just about culture. It’s about the fact that power in Syria remains essentially unchanged in its nature. New politicians only outwardly demonstrate modernity — they wear suits, hold negotiations, but their ideology is the same as before. Most of them have ties to organizations that were once a branch of Al-Qaeda. This is akin to the situation with the Taliban in Afghanistan: outwardly they have changed, but their actions and rhetoric remain the same.

— Speaking of Korea, do you think there are real chances for demilitarization and democratization in the coming decades?

— The question of democratization in North Korea is complex and multifaceted.

On one hand, there is a scenario comparable to the fall of the Berlin Wall. An unexpected event could occur at any moment — a so-called "black swan" or "X-factor," which would completely change the situation. Imagine if North Koreans suddenly realize the scale of the deception they have been subjected to for decades. But this scenario, it seems to me, is secondary.

Realistically, I would put forth the scenario where the situation remains unchanged. Why?

Because North Korea in its current status is geopolitically suitable for China and Russia. These are the countries that are currently the beneficiaries of the Kim regime. North Korea is needed by China to create tension in the region, to contain Japan, to scare the world with nuclear weapons, etc.

Furthermore, after visiting South Korea, I realized that the time when South Koreans aspired to reunification with North Korea has passed. Today, this issue is perceived very differently than it was 20, 15, or even 10 years ago.

Previously, a significant portion of the population in South Korea remembered the period of a united Korea — a time when the country was not divided. These people dreamed of restoring unity and returning to one family.

However, a new generation of South Koreans has now emerged, who no longer share these ideals. They fear potential reunification more than they desire it. The reason is simple: South and North Korea have become completely different in mentality, way of life, level of development, and values.

They have grown from different dough, boiled in completely different brines. And therefore, it seems to me that the further we go, the less likely unification will become. At least, both Koreas should want this.

This is to say that even if the Kim regime falls, it